This measure appeared on the November 2006 San Francisco ballot. What it does This measure would increase San Francisco's existing gross-receipts tax on parking from 25 percent to 35 percent, and extend the tax to cover valet parking. The measure is a non-dedicated general tax whose proceeds would go entirely to the General Fund, unlike the current tax which has historically dedicated 40 percent…

This measure appeared on the November 2006 San Francisco ballot. What it does This measure would ban the City from disclosing private information except when specifically authorized by the individual or by contract, or where required by federal or state law or judicial order. "Private information" is defined as "any information that could be used to identify an individual, including without limitation name, address…

This measure appeared on the November 2006 San Francisco ballot. What it does This charter amendment would require the Civil Service Commission to set the salary for San Francisco's mayor, city attorney, district attorney, public defender, assessor-recorder, treasurer, and sheriff every five years. To determine the salary for each of these city officials, the commission would calculate the average salary paid to comparable officials…

This measure appeared on the November 2006 San Francisco ballot. What it does This amendment to San Francisco's City Charter would require the Board of Supervisors to adopt parental-leave policies for supervisors and members of other boards and commissions. These parental-leave policies would include permitting members to attend and vote at public meetings via teleconference. This measure requires the approval of a simple majority…

This measure appeared on the November 2006 San Francisco ballot. What it does Proposition A authorizes the San Francisco Board of Education to issue up to $450 million in general-obligation bonds to meet disability-access requirements and health and safety codes, and to rehabilitate the buildings and grounds of 64 schools in the San Francisco Unified School District. There would be a $29.6 million state…

Includes SPUR's analysis of 6 states and 11 city measures on the November 7, 2006 ballot.

Nowhere has the history of high-rise public housing and its subsequent redevelopment as HOPE VI mixed-income housing played out as intensely as in Chicago. At its height, the Chicago Housing Authority (CHA) managed some 39,000 units of public housing, many of which were concentrated in high-rise residential developments.

Is it possible to have good planning without good government?

Chicago's diverse economy, its dominance in transportation as a major node for both air and rail traffic, as well as an aggressive practice in retaining business has made Chicago a more stable economy than San Francisco’s.

For the past 100 years, when planners spoke of “the Chicago Plan,” chances are they had in mind the Burnham Plan of 1909. Well, today there is another plan of note: The Chicago Central Area Plan of 2003.

Green Envy Revisited

The Burnham Plan for San Francisco: A Model For Master Planning?

Is Master Planning Possible Today?

Of Buried Creeks and Thwarted Plans

San Francisco, To Scale

The imagined city: Burnham's vision

San Francisco is one of the world's great cities, not just because of its beauty but because of its culture. That culture is threatened directly by the high cost of housing. Unless we do something, we will lose our artists, our progressive politics, our immigrants and our young people. This second edition of our housing strategy updates the policy reports that define SPUR's housing agenda.

Uncertainty and delay are deadly to the efficient production of housing, both affordable and market-rate projects. Uncertainty in the approval process means more risk for developers, investors and lenders. And that translates directly to higher costs to developers for both equity and debt, leading to less housing being built and ultimately higher costs to housing consumers.

In this paper, we analyze the zoning regulations that make it difficult to build new housing in many parts of the city and make recommendations to increase land availability and density.

Parking spaces are expensive to build, especially where land values are high. If we can find a way to build less parking, we will see both reduced housing prices and more efficient use of urban land.